Ethnocentrism Versus Multiculturalism in Republics of Former Yugoslavia
With Focus on Situation of Roma Population
Course: Multiculturalism in Western World
Number of course: M2202
Lector: Ph.Dr.L.Laubeova
Author: Bilusic Sandra
American Studies IV
2001/2002
Contents:
4.1 Roma Community in Macedonia
Bosnia and Herzegovina. The study of nations and nationalism was until recently considered the domain of political scientists and seen as primarily concerned with political structures and processes of the modern state. In contrast, social anthropologists mainly concerned themselves with so-called traditional societies or with minorities within national states. (Minorities are defined by contemporary sociologists as a groups of people- differentiated from others in the same society by race, nationality, religion, or language- who both think of themselves as a differentiated group and are thought of by the others as a differentiated group with negative connotations. Further, they are relatively lacking in power and hence are subjected to certain exclusions, discriminations, and other differential treatment).
Lately, however, both political scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists have been interested in the relationship between ethnic groups and nations, and between ethnicity and nationalism. Nationalism may be defined a political creed that underlines the cohesion of modern societies and legitimizes their claim to authority. Nationalism centers the supreme loyalty of the overwhelming majority of the people upon the nation-state, either existing or desired. The nation-state is regarded not only as the ideal, ”natural”, or ”normal” form of political organization but also as the indispensable framework for all social, cultural, and economic activities. It has been argued that the ethnic group is a stage in the development of all nations. In a similar vein ethnicity has been understood as a ”form of stagnant nationalism which may eventually…become manifest as nationalism.” However, the literature on these issues often ignored the active role of the former socialist multi - ethnic state (such as the Yugoslavia) in conferring nationality status to some ethnic groups within their borders, and the consequences of this policy for local understandings of national identity. For while ethnicity is mainly related to self-definition, nationality is about to which group the state decides one belongs to.
In the former Yugoslavia (1945-1991) there were six officially recognized ”nations” each with a national home based in one of the six republics. Those ethnic groups with a national home outside Yugoslavia, such as Hungarians and Albanians, were recognized as a ”narodnost”, but never given status as a ”narod”. Since the Muslims had status as one of six Yugoslav nations it should have followed that Bosnia-Herzegovina was defined specifically as the ”national home” of the Muslim ”narod”, yet this was never the case (one of the reason being the ambiguity of the category Muslim) Bosnia-Herzegovina is the only one of the former Yugoslav republics which was not associated with one main nationality.
2. Situation in multiethnic Bosnia-Herzegovina
The Constitution of Bosnia-Herzegovina provides for freedom of religion, and in general individuals enjoy this right in predominately mixed and religious-majority areas. However, the efforts of individuals to worship in areas in which they are an ethnic/religious minority were restricted, sometimes by societal violence. Religious intolerance in the country is a reflection of ethnic intolerance, because the identification of ethnicity (an ethnic group is a distinct category of the population in a larger society whose culture is usually different from other groups. The members of such a group are, or feel themselves, or are thought to be, bound together by common ties of race or nationality or culture) with religious background is so close as to be virtually indistinguishable. As ethnic tensions in the country ease, religious tensions ease as well. However, incidents of religiously motivated violence continue. Because of the close identification of ethnicity with religious heritage, it is difficult to distinguish clearly between religious freedom and freedom from ethnic discrimination. The three largest ethnic groups are identified with three distinct religions, or at least religious ancestries. Many individuals are of mixed descent. Many also came from the period of Tito’s socialism, when religion was suppressed and identification as a ”Yugoslav” was encouraged. While no census has been taken in the country since 1991, a credible estimate of the ethnic breakdown is that 46 % of the population would be considered Bosniak (muslims), 14% Croat, and 31% Serb. The remainder of the population includes those of Romani, Jewish, and other origin.
All three major religious groups and the Jewish community have claims to property confiscated from them during WWII, the Communist period, or the 1992-95 war. Neither the State nor the entity governments have enacted laws clarifying the legal status or ownership rights of religious organizations. However, the leaders of the Muslim, Roman Catholic, Serbian Orthodox, and Jewish communities are working on a law setting out the status of religious organizations, including property rights and the tax status. Prior to mid-1998, car license plates clearly identified regions from which people were coming from (Bosniak, Serb, or Croat area). This constituted a major obstacle to freedom of minorities to safely visit cemeteries and other religious sites in areas of the country with a majority population of a different group. The introduction of universal license plates in June 1998, significantly improved the ability of religious minorities to visit such states.
Public schools offer religious education classes. In theory, these classes are optional. However, in some areas, children who do not choose religion classes are subject to pressure and discrimination from peers and teachers. Schools generally do not hire teachers to offer religious education classes to students of minority religions. Consequently, municipalities have not yet been compelled to deal with the issue of minority religious education. On May 10, 2000, the Education Ministers of both entities and the Deputy Federation Education Minister agreed on a standard curriculum, which requires all schools to teach the shared cultural heritage of all three communities.
Leaders of the Muslim, Orthodox, Roman Catholic, and Jewish communities have committed themselves publicly to building a durable peace and national reconciliation. The leaders of these four communities are members of the Interreligious Affairs Council of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which operates with the active involvement of the World Conference on Religion and Peace, a U.S.-based nongovernmental organization. The council members plan to work together for the relevant laws passage. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Office of the High Representative facilitated many interfaith meetings for national minorities at the local level as well.
3. Roma in Croatia
Concrete actions to improve human rights in Croatia fell short of the government’s stated commitments and treaty obligations in 1998, despite intense pressure from the international community. The transfer of Eastern Slavonia from United Nations to Croatian control on January 15 occurred peacefully, but displaced and domiciled Serbs continued to leave the region, frustrated by government obstructionism and harassment from ethnic Croats. Serb returnees elsewhere in Croatia and Serb refugees still abroad fared no better, although new laws adopted during the year offered some hope that housing and documentation problems could be resolved. The independent media continued to face state - sanctioned harassment, and temporary security measures undermined freedom of assembly. Government cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) remained limited, while domestic war crimes trials fell below international standards and confusion continued to surround the amnesty law.
The Roma originated from India and reached the area which became the former Yugoslavia by the 10th century. Throughout their history in that region, they remained, for the most part, outside of the various mainstream political, cultural and social systems-whether feudal, socialist or capitalist. Throughout this period the Roma suffered from varying levels of persecution and racial discrimination, including genocide by the Nazis during WWII.
The former Yugoslavia had one of the largest Roma population in Eastern Europe with an estimated 850,000 in 1981. Under Yugoslavian rule, the Roma, in theory, had a status equal to that of other national minorities. In practice, this status was not recognized by the republics. With the exception of Bosnia, Herzegovina and Montenegro, the republics considered the Roma to be an inferior ethnic category. Starting in 1983, some classes in the first four grades of primary school were thought in Romanes, the language of the Roma. Since Croatia declared its independence in 1991, the level of discrimination against the Roma has increased within the context of its drive toward ethnic purity. The Roma are not recognized as a national minority in the country’s constitution. They are also denied ”nationality certificates” thus making them second class citizens and effectively denying them many basic rights including the right to attend school, the right to employment and even the right to buy an apartment. The Roma are also often denied access to many restaurants and shops by their owners and police do not adequately investigate these complaints.
Those few that are able to gain government employment are required to sign loyalty oaths. While there are 120,000 Roma officially registered in Croatia, advocacy groups estimate that there are 250,000 to 300,000 because many Roma simply don’t bother to register. Also, there are a considerable number of Roma refugees from the ethnic conflict in Bosnia. However, there are no reliable estimates on the numbers of these refugees due to the difficulties involved in counting them and their fluctuating numbers.
Chronology:
1990: Croatian Roma formed the Romani Party of Croatia whose goal is to ”seek recognition of the Roma nationality and rights, and to appeal to the Croatian national assembly for primary and secondary level classes and textbooks in Romanes.
4 September 1991: During a battle between Croatian and Serb forces, houses belonging to Roma living near Gilna were set on fire.
20 October 1991: It became known that the Croatian government had officially decided to destroy the memorial area of the Jasenovac death camp where many Serbs, Roma and Jews were murdered during WWII.
27 August 1992: The Croatian government announced a purge of ”unwanted” persons from the state. Critics of the government said that such ”unwanted” persons included Roma, Serbs, Muslims, ethnic Albanians and Croats from mixed marriages as well as those who disagreed with the positions of the ruling Croatian Democratic Community.
October 1992: Croatian forces were accused of ethnic cleansing against, among others, the Roma.
21 November 1992: The Rijeka Association of Croatian Gypsies held its annual assembly. They complained about certificates of nationality being given only to Croats, effectively making the Roma second-class citizens and preventing them from going to school, getting jobs and buying flats. They also called for the Roma to be a recognized national minority in Croatia’s constitution and for the preservation of the Roma language and culture.
27 December 1993: A delegation of Gypsies complains that local shops discriminate against them, some snack bars refuse to serve them, and the police does not adequately investigate their complaints.
March 1995: The US Department of State observes that the Roma minority of Croatia has continued to experience discrimination and societal inaction regarding filed complaints for 1994. The State Department reports that other minority groups, such as Slovaks, the Czechs, the Italians, or the Hungarians have not reported any significant discrimination.
March 1996: The US Department of State does not report a significant change in societal discrimination and inaction regarding field complaints for 1995. According to the estimate of the State Department which is based on information provided by Roma community leaders the number of Croatian Roma should be a couple tens of thousands.
February 1997: The US Department of State observes that the Croatia has made some progress in promoting Roma education and enhancing Roma cultural awareness for the past year. The State Department mentions the publication of several studies on the subject of Romani education, as well as the establishment by the Ministry of Education of a summer school for Romani children.
1998: The Zagreb-based human rights organization (Zagreb - capital city of Croatia) Center for the Direct Protection of Human Rights, reports that inhabitants of the village of Lomnica in the Velika Gorica municipality of Croatia have held a demonstration on October 26 in a local community center to protest the presence of Roma in their village. The rally was organized by the Velika Gorica branch of the Croatian Veterans of the Homeland War. Roma living in the Eastern Slavonia area told that since the region was reintegrated into the Republic of Croatia in January 1998, there have been cases of anti-Romani community violence by local Croats. The situation of Roma in Eastern Slavonia is additionally complicated by the fact that some of them have fought on the side of the Serbs during the war in the former Yugoslavia.
The discrimination against the Roma in Croatia has been persistent in the course of the last decade. Within the past couple of years there has been a number of reports on official discrimination and anti-Roma activities of the Croatian populace, such as inadequate investigation of Roma complaints by the local police, public demonstrations protesting the presence of Roma in some cities, etc.
The ethnic intolerance of Croats against the Roma is additionally complicated by political factors of the war in the former Yugoslavia. Thus Roma in Eastern Slavonia have called attention to the fact that their situation has considerably worsened upon the reintegration of this area in Croatia. It is also to be remembered that some of the Roma in Eastern Slavonia have fought on the side of the Serbs during the war. Therefore the Croatian attitude against the Roma is this area at present may well reflect mixed feelings combining anti-Serb with anti-Romani prejudices.
While anti-Romani stereotypes are durable in the Croatia society the perspectives for the improvement of the situation of this group are not too bleak. Due to its pro-Western orientation Croatia is currently very much interested in the improvement of its human rights record and it can therefore be expected cooperate on initiatives aimed at remedying the situation of the Croatian Roma. Some examples of this are already available: the Croatian government has committed itself to a policy promoting Roma education and enhancing Roma cultural awareness.
4. The interethnic relations in Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
In November 1999, the OSCE Istanbul Summit Declaration commended the government of the ”Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” (FYROM) for its commitment to domestic reforms designed to enhance stability and economic prosperity. At the same time, it emphasized the importance of continued attention to the development of interethnic relations. The FYROM represents an apparently successful model of preventive diplomacy and good interethnic relations. Nevertheless, especially as a result of the conflicts in the region, a serious degradation of interethnic relations has occurred over the past decade, mainly between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians. The Kosovo conflict in the first half of 1999 posed a particularly serious threat to the fragile interethnic equilibrium in the country by exacerbating ethnic divisions. Furthermore, there is a certain degree of uncertainty within the general population regarding future prospects for the country due to the lingering belief that the demands of ethnic Albanians are merely steps towards secession or the creation of a Greater Albania-perceptions which are augmented by statements made in the local press. Moreover, the Roma population faces considerable challenges related not only to the burden of Roma refugees from Kosovo but also to the other spheres such as access to education and employment. The picture at the end of 2000 was that of a country divided along ethnic lines, with virtual parallel societies for ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians, and a lack of communication and interaction between ordinary people from different ethnic backgrounds. This has result in mistrust and misunderstanding leading to interethnic tensions, in particular over language and education issues.
The FYROM is composed of large numbers of different ethnic, religious and linguistic groups (non-ethnic Macedonians represent one third of the population of 1.95 million) with a strong sense of their distinct identity. According to the latest census results from 1994, the total population of approx. 1.95 million declared the following ethnic affiliation: 66.6% Macedonians, 22.7% Albanians, 4.0% Turkish, 2:2% Roma, 2.1% Serb, 0.4% Vlach, 1.9% other affiliations. The main languages spoken are Macedonian, Albanian, Turkish, Romany, Serbian, Vlach and others. Ethnic and linguistic differences are in turn reinforced by religious differences.
The most relevant domestic legal instrument regulating minority rights is the Constitution adopted by the independent state in November 1991. The Constitution provides for a Council for Inter-Ethnic Relations (Art.78), consisting of the President of the Assembly and the two members each from the ranks of the Macedonians, Albanians, Turks, Vlachs and Roma, as well as two members from the ranks of other nationalities in Macedonia. Its role is to consider issues related to interethnic relations and to submit ideas and suggestions for their resolution.
At the international level, the FYROM has undertaken many important obligations under the UN treaty system and is a party to virtually all major international human rights instruments. A member of the Council of Europe since 9 November 1995, it is a party to the European Convention on Human Rights and several of its protocols, as well as to the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, inter alia.
4.1 Roma Community in Macedonia
In Macedonia, the Roma have some outlets in the media and in education, and indeed enjoy the best situation of any Roma group in the Balkans. It appears that they do not suffer from the same everyday racism as they do elsewhere in the region. This has come about with the ending of the Communist monopoly on power. Former President Gligorov has shown sympathy towards the situation of Roma, and has repeatedly and explicitly included them as equal citizens of the state along with the Macedonians, Albanians and Turks.
The Roma see educational matters as paramount for them. Since the fall of the Communist authorities, there have been good contacts and communication between the Roma community and the Ministry of Education. A Romani primer has been prepared for publication, and the Ministry and the leading Roma educational experts are expected to agree a programs for Romani education.
A problem throughout Eastern Europe in Roma educational matters is the lack of standardization of the Romani language: many different dialects are spoken. In Macedonia, the estimated 200,000- strong Roma community is spread throughout the republic with some 40,000 estimated to live in Skopje (capital city of Macedonia).
At the same time as Romani primary education begins in the 1993/94 academic year, a faculty will be opened at Skopje University for the language. This is the product of a three-month seminar organized by the Ministry of Education at the University between March and June 1992, convened especially to prepare the syllabus and the materials for the opening of the faculty in October 1993. Classes in secondary schools are not immediately planned, but may be introduced in the future.
Romani television and radio are each broadcast for half an hour a week and the programs cover teaching, news, music and information. It is hoped to expand this minimal amount to include children’s and other programs. While there are not yet any Romani newspapers, the authorities are supportive of the idea of having them in the future.
The internationally known Roma theater group Phralipe was forced to vacate its buildings in Skopje and move to Miilheim in Germany in 1990 before the final collapse of the old regime, and there is now no professional Roma theater group in the country.
The main political party for the Roma in Macedonia is the Party for the Complete Emancipation of Romanies in Macedonia (PSER) which, despite the recent formation of a small rival Roma party, continues to be the main political vehicle for Roma aspirations. Claiming 36,000 members and branches all over the republic, it has as president Abdi Faik. He points to the progress made with the recognition of Roma as nationalities of the republic, and contrasts the new situation with that in former Yugoslavia. The PSER has campaigned for the introduction of three to four lessons of Romani for Roma in elementary schools, the opening of a Romani faculty at the University of Skopje, and daily TV and radio news and current affairs programs in Romani-demands which, as noted above, are beginning to be met.
While many Roma have declared themselves to be Macedonians or Turks, the former Communist authorities in Macedonia alleged over a long period that the Roma, especially the Muslims who comprise the vast majority, were being subjected to Albanization- the Albanians being seen by many Macedonians as the main internal threat. This claim was made again on 1st August 1990 by the presidium of the republican committee for nurturing the ethnic and cultural traditions of Roma in Macedonia, which accused the PDP of persistently manipulating Roma on a religious Muslim basis. On 1st September 1990, the Macedonian Romani community called on all Roma to stop declaring themselves to be Albanians simply on the basis of shared religion, and decided to mark 11th October-already a Macedonian public day-with the first republican festival of the cultural achievements of Roma in Macedonia.
5. Societal situation in Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY)
Religion and ethnicity in the FRY are so closely intertwined as to be inseparable. Serious discrimination against, and harassment of, ethnic minorities was common in Kosovo, and the conflict raised ethnic tensions elsewhere in the country with implications for religious intolerance. In the Sandzak region (region between Serbia and Bosnia), Serb authorities have harassed the Slavic Muslim minority. Increased societal violence against the Catholic minority in Vojvodina, largely consisting of ethnic Hungarians and Croats, also was reported. Furthermore, Catholic churches frequented by the Croat minority have been attacked.
Ethnic and religious minorities in Kosovo, Vojvodina, and the Sandzak region face discrimination in housing and employment. In Sandzak Slavic Muslims face severe discrimination in health care, commerce, and education. There were credible reports that ethnic Albanians and Muslims in Serbia continued to be driven from their homes or fired from their jobs on the basis of religion or ethnicity. Other ethnic minorities, including ethnic Hungarians in Vojvodina who are predominantly Catholic, also allege discrimination.
Although there were few reported instances of religious persecution in the Republic of Montenegro. Acts of violence also have been reported against Serbian Orthodox figures and sites, particularly in Kosovo after the end of the 1999 NATO air campaign, reportedly committed by ethnic Albanians. Persecution stems both from religious intolerance and ethnic prejudice, since religion and ethnicity are largely inseparable in the FRY.
The law in both the FRY and the Serbia provides for freedom of religion; however, in practice both the Government and the legal system provide very little protection for the religious rights of minority groups. The predominant faith in the FRY is Serbian Orthodoxy, although religion is not a significant factor in public life. Serbs, who are predominantly Serbian Orthodox if they follow any religion, make up approximately 63% of the population, Albanians 17%, Muslim ethnic Slaves were 2% of the population, and Croats, who are predominantly Roman Catholic, made up 1% of the population. The status of respect for religious freedom declined during the 1998/99.
Police repression continued to be directed against ethnic and religious minorities, and police committed the most widespread and worst abuses against Kosovo’s 90% ethnic Albanian population. Police repression also was directed against Muslims in the Sandzak region. To achieve his primary political aim of continued rule of Serbia, Milosevic has exploited efficiently ethnic, religious, and political divisions through his control of the media and the organs of state security. The regime’s most serious human rights violations occurred in the attempted ethnic cleansing of the predominantly Muslim, ethnic Albanian population throughout 1998/99. There is a clear distinction between ethnically and religiously motivated persecution. Ethnic cleansing was the goal of the violent persecution in Kosovo. Because non-Serbs belongs to various religions, there is a high correlation between ethnic and perceived religious persecution in the FRY. Because most Kosovar Albanians are Muslim, this Serbian campaign resulted in large numbers of deaths among Muslims and major destruction of mosques and other Islamic landmarks. However, the campaign was motivated primarily by ethnicity not religion.
After NATO began its bombing campaign, there were reports that the Jewish population was leaving Serbia. With the assistance of Americans and Hungarians, approximately 250 Jews left Serbia for Hungary. The exodus was due in part to the bombing, as well as fears of anti-Semitism. The Jewish population has expressed concern about ultra-nationalistic political figures and their anti-Semitic teachings.
6. Situation in Slovenia
National census carried out every ten years is generally a non disputed, and relatively reliable, source of information on the ethnic composition of Slovenia. The last census took place in 1991. The 1991 census could therefore not take into account the political changes that took place in the 1990’s. These may have had an impact on the self-identification of Moslems (now probably Bosniaks) and Yugoslavs. As the Yugoslav state broke up, it remains to be seen how popular still it is to identify oneself as a Yugoslav, given that this category has traditionally been used by people from mixed marriages. In the mid-1990’s, the refugee inflows from Croatia, and then Bosnia-Hercegovina, caused fluctuations in numbers of non-Slovene population. However, in 2000 only a very small number of refugees live in Slovenia.
National census has, however, been disputed in the case of the Romany population. The 1991 national census listed 2,293 Roma, but their number has been estimated at over 7,000. The European Union itself has made different estimates. Thus, in Agenda 2000-Commision Opinion on Slovenia’s Application for Membership of the EU the number of the Roma was estimated between 7,000 and 10,000.Because of their higher illiteracy rate, and generally poor housing conditions, it is very difficult to accurately establish the exact number.
As observed by the European Commission in its 2000 annual report on Slovenia’s progress towards accession (issued on 8 November 2000), ”the situation of the Roma continues to present some problems despite the Government being fully committed to finding solutions”. In Article 65, Slovenia’ s Constitution envisages a general law on Roma, which has not yet been adopted. However, sectoral legislation-including the laws on local self-government, local elections, and education- guarantees the legal protection of the Roma community. Whereas their representation in municipal councils remains poor, significant progress, as a result of a special Government programs, has been made in the field of education.
Austria’s threats that a non-recognition of the German speaking population as a national minority, might be the reason for Austria’s veto of Slovenia’s accession to the EU, the Government has begun to address the issue of the German speaking population of Slovenia. According to the 1991 national census, 1,543 people listed German as their mother tongue. The number was even smaller when people were asked about their ethnicity. Slovenia disputes the existence of an autochtonous national minority, and is not willing to grant the German speaking population the national minority status, as enjoyed by the Hungarian and the Italian communities in Slovenia. This view is mainly based upon the fact that the German speaking population is a non-territorially based ethnic group (and the Slovene minority protection system is territorially based). Two studies - one commissioned by the Austrian Government, and another one by a Slovene researcher, have been made with the purpose to establish the origins of the German speaking ethnic group.
These studies have shown that only a small proportion of those people can be considered as autochtonous or non-immigrant-which is one of the central criteria in Slovenia for national minority protection.
In 2000, Slovenia has financially supported, although modestly, some cultural activities of German speaking ethnic group, and an agreement has been drafted that would accord special cultural rights to the German speaking population of Slovenia. However, the agreement has been stuck in the National Assembly, and subject to fierce debate.
Monitoring by the European Union (Commission) of Slovenia’s application for membership and its progress towards accession, including Slovenia’s compliance with the so-called Copenhagen political criteria (i.e. stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities), has been documented in the following reports: Agenda 2000 - Commission Opinion on Slovenia’s Application for Membership of the European Union (Doc/97/19; 15 July 1997), Regular report from the Commission on Slovenia’s Progress Towards Accession (November 1998), 1999 Regular Report from the Commission on Slovenia’s Progress Towards Accession (13 October 1999), 2000 Regular Report from the Commission on Slovenia’s Progress Towards Accession (8 November 2000).
7.Conclusion
The Stability Pact is the first serious attempt by the international community to replace the previous, reactive crisis intervention policy in South Eastern Europe with a comprehensive, long - term conflict prevention strategy. On 10 June 1999, at the EU’s initiative, the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe was adopted in Cologne. In the founding document, more than 40 partner countries and organizations undertook to strengthen the countries of South Eastern Europe ”in their efforts to foster peace, democracy, respect for human rights and economic prosperity in order to achieve stability in the whole region”. Euro - Atlantic integration was promised to all the countries in the region. At a summit meeting in Sarajevo on 30 July 1999, the Pact was reaffirmed. The idea for the Stability Pact arose in late 1998 and thus predates the Kosovo war. The Stability Pact is based on the key experiences and lessons from worldwide international crises management. Conflict prevention and peace building can be successful only if they start in parallel in three key sectors: the creation of a secure environment, the promotion of sustainable democratic systems, and the promotion of economic and social well - being. Only if there is progress in all three sectors can a self - sustaining process of peace be achieved. The Stability Pact is a political declaration of commitment and a framework agreement on international cooperation to develop a shared strategy among all partners for stability and growth in South Eastern Europe. The Stability Pact is not a new international organization nor does it have any independent financial resources and implementing structures.
Organizationally, the Stability Pact relies on the Special Coordinator, Erhard Busek, and his some 30 - member team. The Special Coordinator chairs the most important political instrument of the Stability Pact, the Regional Table. There are three Working Tables which operate under the Regional Table: Working Table I: Democratization and Human Rights, Working Table II: Economic Reconstruction, Cooperation and Development, Working Table III: Security Issues (with two Sub - Tables: Security and Defense, and Justice and Home Affairs).
As a contribution to the Stability Pact and an interim step towards membership, the European Union set up a new generation of Stabilization and Association Agreements. They are aimed at the five South Eastern European countries which still have no contractual relationship with the EU, i.e. Albania, Bosnia - Herzegovina, Croatia, the Federal republic of Yugoslavia and FYR Macedonia.
Without democratic institutions that work effectively and the democratic development of a state under the rule of law there can be no long - term economic development and prosperity. Equally, democratization and nondiscrimination are also fundamental preconditions to guaranteeing internal and external security. Since the June 2001, Regional Table, Working Table I focuses on four priority areas: inter - ethnic dialogue and cross - border cooperation, refugee matters, media, and education and youth.
Inter - ethnic dialogue and cross - border cooperation area, builds on achievements by, inter alia, the Human Rights and Minorities Task Force that has drawn up a comprehensive program for the promotion of multiethnic coexistence and for the protection of minorities. Human Rights Centers have been established. Legislation reviews, awareness campaigns, and promotion of the status of the Roma population are important activities. The Good Governance Task Force has focused on the development of local governments and the establishment of ombudsman institutions and the reform of the public administration.
Notes and References
Books:
*1 Sills L.David:”International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences”, The Macmillan Company&The Free Press,USA,1968;pp.365
*2 Sills L.David:”International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences”,The Macmillan Company&The Free Press,USA,1968;pp.63
*3 Bringa R.Tone:”National Categories,National Identification and Identity Formation in Multinational Bosnia”,University of Bergen,Norway,2000;pp.256-261
*4 Crowe M.David:”A History of the Gypsies of Eastern Europe and Russia”,St.Martin,New York,1994;pp.79-86
*7 Loring M.Danford:”The Macedonian Conflict:Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World”,Princeton Uni. Press,1995;pp.34-37
*9 Ilic Vladimir:”Etnocentrizam versus Multikulturalizam”,Izdavacka Kuca Borba,Beograd,Yugoslavia,2000;pp.187-195
*11 Aralica Ivan:”Pozicija pojedinih manjina na teritoriju bivse Jugoslavije”,Izdavacka Kuca Svjetlost,Sarajevo,Bosna-Hercegovina;pp.204-211
Newspapers:
*5 ”Pitanje Roma u Hrvatskoj”,Globus,no.2401,Hrvatska,1999
*6 Icevska Gordana:”Macedonia’s Open Wound”,Transitious no.5,October,1998;pp.47-48
*8 Najcevska Mirjana and Petroska Violeta:”Between political solutions and reality.Inter-ethnic relations in the Republic of Macedonia”,Helsinki Monitor,no.10,1999;pp.8-14
Internet:
*10 http://europa.eu.int/comm/enlargement/slovenia/index.htm
*12 http//bosona.com